Sunday, September 27, 2009
Thursday, September 24, 2009
Tuesday, September 22, 2009
from the book "MACEDONIAN INSTITUTIONS UNDER THE KINGS, A HISTORICAL AND EPIGRAPHIC STUDY", Athens 1996, RESEARCH CENTRE FOR GREEK AND ROMAN ANTIQUITY NATIONAL HELLENIC RESEARCH FOUNDATION
Villages, Cities and Ethne in Upper Macedonia
By Dean Nelson in New Delhi and Emal Khan in Peshawar
Published: 6:48PM BST 21 Sep 2009
While Sikhs, Hindus, and Christians were slowly driven out of Pakistan's North West Frontier Province by Muslim militants, the Kalash were free to drink their own distilled spirits and smoke cannabis.
They are now demanding £1.25 million and the release of three militant leaders in exchange for his safe return.
Confirmation of the Taliban's role in his kidnapping came as their leader Mullah Omar urged American and Nato leaders to learn from the history of Alexander the Great's invasion of Afghanistan and his defeat by Pushtun tribesmen in the 4BC.
Since his kidnapping Kalash women have demonstrated for his release, while elders have travelled to Nuristan to try to negotiate with his kidnappers.
Monday, September 21, 2009
Saturday, September 19, 2009
We have heard many times from those that support the non Greekness of the Hellenic Macedonians that the ancient writers segregated them from the others Hellenes.
This is true but......
The ancient writers using to segerate them not only the Macedonians but also the Athenians, Spartans, Ionians e.t.c. Below some examples of ancient Greek tribes or cities occasionally or repeatedly juxtaposed to "the Hellenes». I don’t not include the Macedonians because the Slavmacedonians of the FYROM work "hard" for this in order to support the theory that there are descents from them.
- "...the Lacedaimonians, fearful lest Themistokles should devise some great evil against them and the Hellenes, honoured him with double the numbers of gifts..." [Diodoros Sikeliotis 11.27.3]
- "In this year (475 BCE) the Lacedaimonians... were resentful; consequently they were incensed at the Hellenes who had fallen away from them and continued to threaten them with the appropriate punishment." [Diodoros Sikeliotis11.50.1]
- "In a single battle the Peloponnesians and their allies may be able to defy all the Hellenes, but they can not carry a whole war..." [Thukydides 1.141; Oration of Pericles]
- "When the Eleians not only paid no heed to them [the Lacedaimonians] but even accused them besides of enslaving the Hellenes, they dispatched Pausanias, the other of the two kings, against them with 4,000 soldiers." [Diodoros Sikeliotis 14.17.6]
- "But Pausanias, the king of the Lakedaimonians, being jealous of Lysandros and observing that Sparta was in ill repute among the Hellenes, marched forth with a strong army and on his arrival in Athens brought about a reconciliation between the men of the city and the exiles. [Diodoros Sikeliotis14.33.6]
- "He says... the Lacedaimonians... gave to the Hellenes to taste the sweet drink of freedom..." [Plutarch, Lysandros 13]
- "Agesilaos was accused... that he exposed the city (Sparta) as an accomplice in the crimes against the Hellenes." [Plutarch, Agesilaos 26]
- "...the Lacedaimonians, who were hard put to it by the double war, that against the Hellenes and that against the Persians, dispatched their admiral Antalkidas to Artaxerxes to treat for peace." [Diodoros Sikeliotis 14.110.2]
- "The Lacedaimonians... used their allies roughly and harshly, stirring up, besides, unjust and insolent wars against the Hellenes,..." [Diodoros Sikeliotis 15.1.3]
- "At this time the kings of the Lacedaimonians were at variance with each other on matters of policy. Agesipolis, who was a peaceful and just man and, furthermore, excelled in wisdom, declared that they should abide by their oaths and not enslave the Hellenes contrary to the common agreements." [Diodoros Sikeliotis 15.16.4]
- "Thus, the Hellenes were wondering what the state of the Lacedaimonian army would be had it been commanded by Agesilaos or... the old Leonidas." [Plutarch, Agis 14]
- "Even though the Lacedaimonians had combated the Hellenes many times only one of their kings had ever died in action..." [Plutarch, Agis 21]
- "When the estrangement which had arisen between the Athenians and the Hellenes became noised abroad, there came to Athens ambassadors from the Persians and from the Hellenes. [Diodoros Sikeliotis 11.28.1]
- "...the Hellenes gathered in congress decreed to make common cause with the Athenians and advanced to Plataia in a body..." [Diodoros Sikeliotis 11.29.1]
- "He soothed the Athenians' pride by promising them... that the Hellenes would accept their leadership..." [Plutarch, Themistokles 7]
- "...the Athenians, because of their policy of occupying with colonists the lands of those whom they subdued, had a bad reputation with the Hellenes;..." [Diodoros Sikeliotis 15.23.4]
- "And we decided upon a twofold revolt, from the Hellenes and the Athenians, not to aid the latter in harming the former... " [Thukydides, 3.13; Oration of the Mytilenaians]
- "When the Athenians attacked the Hellenes, they, the Plataians... Atticized. [Thukydides, 3.62; Theban Accusations]
- "The Athenians... by this denerous act they recovered the goodwill of the Hellenes and made their own leadership more secure." [Diodoros Sikeliotis 15.29.8]
- "And this was the first naval victory that the city (Athens) had against the Hellenes, after the destruction." [Plutarch, Phokion 6]
Hellenes of Asia Minor, the Aegean islands, Crete, Cyprus, Central Greece, the Ionian Land :
- "The Athenians... reasoned that, if the Ionians were given new homes by the Hellenes acting in common they would no longer look upon Athens as their mother-city." [Diodoros Sikeliotis 11.37.3]
- "...and as for the Hellenes, they were emboldened by the promise of the Ionians, and... came down eagerly in a body from Salamis to the shore in preparation for the sea- battle." [Diodoros Sikeliotis 11.17.4]
- "Now the Samians and Milesians had decided unanimously beforehand to support the Hellenes..." [Diodoros Sikeliotis 11.36.2]
- "...although the Ionians thought that the Hellenes would be encouraged, the result was the very opposite." [Diodoros Sikeliotis 11.36.2]
- "When the Samians and Milesians put in their appearance, the Hellenes plucked up courage,... and Aiolians participated in the battle,..." [Diodoros Sikeliotis 11.36.4-5]
- "When the Aiolians and Ionians had heard these promises, they resolved to take the advice of the Hellenes..." [Diodoros Sikeliotis 11.37.2]
- "The Cretans, when the Hellenes sent to ask aid from them... acted as follows..." [Herodotos 7.169]
- "The King (of Persia), now that his difference with the Hellenes was settled, made ready his armament for the war against Cyprus. For Evagoras had got possession of almost the whole of Cyprus and gathered strong armaments, because (king) Artaxerxes was distracted by the war against the Hellenes." [Diodoros Sikeliotis 14.110.5]
- "The Lokrians... when they learned that Leonidas had arrived at Thermopylai, changed their minds and went over to the Hellenes." [Diodoros Sikeliotis 11.4.6]
- "Now the Phokians had chosen the cause of the Hellenes, but seeing that they were unable to offer resistance... fled for safety to the rugged regions about Mount Parnassos." [Diodoros Sikeliotis 11.14.1]
- "The Thebans, anticipating the arrival of a large army from Hellas to aid the Lacedaimonians [controlling the citadel of Thebes, the Kadmeia], dispatched envoys to Athens to remind them... and to request them to come with all their forces and assist them in reducing the Kadmeia before the arrival of the Lacedaimonians." [Diodoros Sikeliotis 15.25.4]
- "All the Hellenes gladly received the proposal [of Artaxerxes, the Persian King], and all the cities agreed to a general peace except Thebes; for the Thebans alone, being engaged in bringing Boiotia under a single confederacy, were not admitted by the Hellenes because of the general determination to have the oaths and treaties made city by city." [Diodoros Sikeliotis 15.50.4]
- "Since the Lacedaimonians made peace with all the Hellenes, they were in war only with the Thebans..." [Plutarch, Pelopidas 20]
- "... the recorders of the Amphictyons [the hieromnemones] brought charges against the Phokians and... if they did not obey, they should incur the common hatred of the Hellenes." [Diodoros Sikeliotis 16.23.3]
- "And Gelon replied with vehemence: `Hellenes,... you exhort me to join in league with you against the barbarian...' [Herodotos, 7.157]
- "Gelon [the ruler of the Hellenic city of Syrakousai]... was making ready... to join the Hellenes in the war against the Persians." [Diodoros Sikeliotis 11.26.4]
- "This is how they (Kerkyraians) eluded the reproaches of the Hellenes. [Herodotos, 7.168]
Friday, September 18, 2009
Thursday, September 17, 2009
A University of Washington student on an archaeological dig in Israel has unearthed the find of a lifetime — a gemstone engraved with a portrait of Alexander the Great.
By Nick Perry
A University of Washington student on an archaeological dig in Israel has unearthed the find of a lifetime — a gemstone engraved more than 2,000 years ago with a portrait of Alexander the Great.
The carnelian stone, less than a half-inch long, is believed to date from soon after Alexander conquered the region in 332 B.C. Likely once part of a signet ring, the stone was found in the Tel Dor excavation site on Israel's northwest coast.
"This is an incredibly rare find," said Sarah Stroup, a UW associate professor of classics who led the team of 20 students for the summer dig. "The carving is of the highest quality that could have been done in that period."
Stroup said the ring was likely a status symbol, once worn by a wealthy resident. Its unearthing adds to the historical record by challenging the assumption that the coastal region was populated by simple folk who weren't hip to the Greek aesthetic, Stroup said.
It also indicates that the Greek king may have been revered — rather than reviled — by at least some of those he conquered.
The fact that the stone was found during a controlled excavation helps give it a more precise and useful history, Stroup said, unlike some similarly engraved stones that were found before modern archaeological methods were in place, or were acquired through the black market.
University of California at Berkeley professor Andrew Stewart, an expert on Alexander the Great, said that while coins depicting Alexander are relatively common, there are perhaps just two or three dozen carved stones with his image dating from pre-Roman times.
Stewart said he is puzzled by Alexander's headdress, which is something he's not seen depicted on the king before. It appears to be made of metal with a ribbon running down to the nape of his neck, Stewart said. He doesn't think Alexander ever wore such a piece, which is likely an embellishment added by an artist working after the king's death in 323 B.C. The gem is priceless, Stewart added.
"This is a very nice discovery, and one that's very hard to make, given that this kind of thing can escape very easily," he said, referring to the stone's tiny size. "It's a very useful addition to our corpus of Alexander images."
Megan Webb, the student who made the discovery, could not be reached Tuesday. Stroup said Webb majored in ceramics at Philadelphia University and was picking up some summer credits at the UW Tel Dor Field School while applying to graduate schools.
Students were attempting to define the edges of a room in a Hellenistic-era building when Webb, who was working with a trowel, spotted the gemstone, Stroup said. It has been cleaned and is on display at a local Israeli museum.
The UW team found the stone in mid-July and returned to the U.S. early last month.
The discovery was announced Tuesday by two Israeli universities that were also involved in excavating the Tel Dor site.
"Never in all my years excavating have I ever seen anything like this come up from the ground, and I don't ever expect to again," Stroup said.
Saturday, September 12, 2009
Friday, September 11, 2009
Saturday, September 05, 2009
Member of Athens Academy
Abstract from the book “the Hellenism of Ancient Macedonians”,
pages 249-256, Institute Balkan of Studies, Thessaloniki, 1965
In the speech of the Athenian orator Isocrates to king Philip II of Macedonia amid admonitions to him to accept the leadership of a pan-Hellenic campaign against the barbarians of Asia, is written the phrase: "He alone among the Hellenes did not claim the right to rule over a people of kindred race."
This passage of Isocrates has been mentioned for more than a century by almost all the historians and philologists concerned with the descent and language of the Macedonians and any ethnological questions on the ancient Macedonians note this passage as a clear and incontrovertible proof of their case. The champions of the Hellenism of the Macedonians have looked on this expression of Isocrates from the beginning as a stumbling block and, without denying its obvious meaning or attempting any other interpretation, have confined themselves to denying that it has any historical or ethnological significance. It is noteworthy that the Greek scholars dealing until the present day with the subject of ancient Macedonia including Hatzidakis himself, have avoided all serious examination of these words, as if they thought them unworthy of the slightest critical attention or comment. In spite of this, since this passage continues to lead distinguished historians into mistaken opinions on the ancient concepts relating to the descent of the Macedonians, it should neither be despised nor passed over in silence, but should receive the closest possible scrutiny to discover its actual meaning.
Isocrates did not belong to the class of Pnyx political orators exemplified above all by Demosthenes. His speeches, far from any sharp-spinning or demagogic persuasion are prompted by a spirit of high idealism, composed with the greatest care and worked over in detail at great length. They are distinguished for their serenity of outlook and logic in reasoning. Furthermore, Isocrates was not actuated by relentless animosity against the king of Macedonia like Demosthenes, but on the contrary dedicated hymns to him and proposed as leader of an expedition by all the Greeks in a new struggle against the barbarians.
In view of this no one can suspect Isocrates of being carried away by passion or being ill-disposed whenever he speeks of Macedonians. Concequently, no matter how well we bear in mind that we are dealing with an orator and not an historian investigating his sources and checking facts to draw his conclusions, disparaging information or judgement of Isocrates can weight more in the reflections of modern historians than every other ancient source.
Nearly all the newer philologists, interpreters and students of Isocrates' works, as well as those writing on ancient Greek history, give to the above passage the meaning that Philip was the only one of the Greeks who ruled a people not of the same race, that is, not-Greek. From this interpetation contemporary historians, even the firmerst believers in the Hellenism of the Macedonians, draw the conclusion that Isocrates believed in the long estab¬lished Greek conviction that the royal house of Macedonia was of Hellenic descent, but on the subject of the Macedonians aligned himself with the mistaken, yet prevalent view among his contemporaries, namely that they were a non-Greek people.
However, careful examination of this passage of Isocrates, which occurs in a series of the author's syllogism and closely correlated with the whole meaning of the speech makes all too clear the error into which all who de¬sire to draw historical conclusions from it have fallen. Like the word «φυλή», the word «φϋλον» has various meanings in ancient Greek. Besides, ancient writers often use the two indiscriminately words, more usually to denote one of the Greek peoples (Dorians, Achaeans, Ionians, etc.) and more rarely for the whole Greek race as opposed to the barbarians. In our view there in no doubt that Isocrates here uses the phrase "to rule over a people not of the same stock as himself" in its limited sense of "a people not belonging to the same Greek race as himself."
Isocrates in this part of his speech is aiming at two things. First he is de¬fending himself against his opponents' charges that while so often triumphant¬ly expressing his democratic convictions and attachment to the city of his birth, fountainhead of democracy, he is here siding with a despotic ruler like Philip of Macedonia. Secondly, in order to show Philip that his conduct towards the Greek cities should not be that of a king of Macedonia towards his subjects, because the Macedonians had already been accustomed to a monarchy for centuries, while Greek cities, or to be more precise "the Hellenes" of the Greek cities, abhorred monarchy and adhered to democratic principles. Isocrates always continues like most of the public orators to give the strict political meaning to the word "Hellenes," which has no racial significance whenever he is referring to Hellenes and Macedonians. That is why here and in many other places he speaks of "Hellenes" in the sense of democratic cities on the inner side of Olympus which were linked by a common political past of centuries, differentiating them from Philip's Macedonians who were just entering Greek history at that period. But whenever he is talking about non-Greek peoples he then says "barbarians" and the racial distinction is quite clear.
Thus, extolling the illustrious descent of Philip from the Heracleids of Argos in this speech, which has the double object of catechizing the Greeks and advising Philip, Isocrates proposes the king of Macedonia as the leader of the pan-Hellenic union and the war against the barbarians of Asia. At the same time he emphasizes very diplomatically that the monarchic system of Macedonia would not be tolerable to the Greeks of the democratic cities, who are not accustomed to it and all who have attempted to apply it have failed dismally, because rebellion and slaughter were used in order to make this despotic system succeed. Philip's Heracleid ancestors however, knowing according to Isocrates that the imposition of a monarchic system of government by force was impossible, left "the Greek soil," that is the territories of the democratic cities, and established themselves in Macedonia, where the people (he evidently wants to say owing to the backwardness of their civilization), were not ripe to govern themselves "without such a regime." That is why the monarchic system prospered under the Heracleids in Macedonia alone. The Heracleids, Philip's ancestors, left the Greeks of their own race in Argos and Philip is now ruler of "a people not of the same race," in other words a people which according to Isocrates does not originate from the Heracleids of Argos.
From a historical point of view Isocrates' line of argument is very naif because at the time when he alleges the Argeads emigrated to Macedonia, the monarchic system was in force among the Greeks on the south side of Olympus too. Furthermore the Greeks reckoned the Doric races as being sprung from the Heracleids and this is what the Macedonians mostly were, as is demonstrated by their Doric dialect. Perhaps indeed their Doric origin was not unrelated to the birth of the legend that the Macedonian royal house was descended from the Heracleids of Argos and was an echo of the shifting and wandering of the Greek tribes. But from a political point of view he handles the question with great skill, so that Philip should take his advice about treating the Greeks of the cities under his command quite differently to his Macedonian subjects and avoid the charge Isocrates himself, a free citizen of Athens and a democrat, proposed as leader of Hellenism the king of Macedonia, against whom there were prejudices and angry passions in the hearts of a large number of Greeks.
At the beginning of his speech Isocrates clearly elucidates the object for which he addresses himself to Philip. All the others living within the cities and obeying their laws (that is, the illustrious men belonging to the old Greek world), to whom he had addressed himself in the past, proved unequal to such a great undertaking (to lead a pan-Hellenic campaign against the barbarians). Philip alone at this time (346-345, after the peace of Philocrates) had been favoured by fate with such authority that he could send ambassadors at will and say freely whatever he thought expedient. He alone had built up such power and wealth as none of the Hellenes had before him, so that he could use either persuasion or force. On this account Isocrates applied to Philip, counselling him to bring about a general reconciliation among the Greeks and lead a campaign against the barbarians. The first, reconciliation for the fight against the barbarians, would succeed by persuasion in the common interest; the second, use of force against the barbarians, would result in a general advantage.
This studied passage of the speech by itself demonstrates that Isocrates could not go on to speak of Macedonians as "not of the same race," in the sense of their being not Hellenes, but barbarians. We know that this great "pan-Hellenist" of the 4th century, already ninety years old, had devoted the whole of his very long life to searching for that capable and strong Greek who could bring his supreme dream to realization, a dream which never ceased to fire his great heart: Greek unity in the cause of a new campaign against the barbarians who were already oppressing the Hellenism of Asia and the Hellenism of southern Italy and Sicily, threatening by dint of a new expedition like that of Xerxes complete subjection of the Greek race. Almost all Isocrates' "epideictic" speeches on political subjects and most of his letters have this object in view. In the famous "Panegyric" composed at the time when the second hegemony of Athens was starting, he still believed in the possibility of a new union of the Greek world, in the cause of a pan-Hellenic campaign against the barbarians under the aegis of his beloved native city, with Sparta taking part. However, as time went on and Athens, whose second hegemony withered at birth, showed herself unequal to this great undertaking, he gave up all local-mindedness and let his thought fly wide to embrace the whole Hellenic world. He praises Archidamus, king of Sparta; advises Jason, tyrant of Pherae and his sons; encourages Dionysius the Syracusan; leads on Eua-goras, king of Salamis in Cyprus and his son. All these whom either covertly or openly he considers as leaders of a pan-Hellenic union in the fight against the barbarians, are not simply Greek princes or rulers, but preside over peoples who are pure, unalloyed Greeks. Otherwise how would it be possible to conceive of their leading the entire Hellenic world in the campaign against the barbarians, if they ruled a barbarian people and through this people had reached a position of power justifying the thought of pan-Hellenic leadership ?
Thus, with the passing of all these in succession from the pan-Hellenic firmament, he turns determinedly to the strong Macedonian as the distinct leader of the pan-Hellenic cause against the barbarians. In this speech of Isocrates addressed to Philip there is a close and complete continuity of thought belonging to a political programme which had not altered for half a century. Consequently we should have to imagine Isocrates not merely inconsistent, but actually denying this whole grand political project, to the accomplishment of which he had devoted his long life, if he believed that Philip was Greek but the Macedonians of whom he was king, through whom he had reached such power and with whom chiefly he would fight his campaign against the barba¬rians, did not belong to the Greek race but were themselves barbarians.
Isocrates goes on, not without a touch of melancholy, to tell Philip how he silenced those around him who had contrary opinions. These, on hearing his intention to send a letter to the king of Macedonia, were overcome with wrath and expressed fears lest Isocrates, a victim to senility, should do such absurd and senseless things. He explained to them that many Greeks who were neither obscure nor foolish lived with Philip. The Thessalians had become his trusty friends. He had made alliances with some of the Greek towns in Chalcidice by benevolent acts and punished others for their conduct. He had made the people round about Macedonia subjects of his and had installed despots in Thrace. These amazing acts and the difference in Philip's treatment of Greeks and barbarians were exactly those by which he persuaded his critics that he was right in sending this letter to Philip.
In addition, by what he proposes that Philip may carry out his political programme of uniting the Greeks for this campaign against the Persians, he gives us the key to understanding fully the true significance of the controversial passage. Isocrates considers it worth special care to reconcile and unite under Philip's leadership four Hellenic cities, viz. Athens, Sparta, Thebes and Argos, because of their past and their position in the Hellenism of that time. All four are in a sense connected with Heracles, ancestor of Macedonia's kings. Consequently it would not be difficult for him the Heracleid to attract the cities in question to his side by means of kind behaviour and benefactions, persuade them to abandon their mutual animosities and unite them under his leadership for the campaign against the barbarians. Once this succeeded, the rest of the Greek world would follow. So Isocrates deems Philip the one person capable of bringing together the four leading cities which have traditions stemming from Heracles. Because he is himself a Heracleid, even though he has sovereignty over a people who Isocrates thinks are not of the Heracleid race.
Furthermore, the Heracleids belonging to the cities in question, adhering to their laws and political customs, were incapable of rising to pan-Hellenic proposals, while he, the descendant of Heracles, but not ruling a people with the laws, political customs and traditions of the Heracleid cities, should regard all Greece as his fatherland and run risks for it as did his heroic ancestor. Possibly this last attempt to make Philip take all-Greek action was what prompted Isocrates to speak of "not being of the same race," meaning that the Macedonians did not belong to the Heracleids.
But from what Isocrates goes on to tell Philip the modern interpretation "not of the same race" is clearly ruled out. Thus in many passages of the speech he distinguishes the Hellenes from the barbarians,urging the king of Macedonia to assume leadership of the Greeks in a war against the barba¬rians. These exhortations are couched in a wording which makes it risible to suppose he could write so to a king whom he regards as Greek but ruling a non-Greek barbarian people Equally ruled out is the theory that Isoc¬rates reserving the description of barbarians for the non-Greek barbarians of Asia against whom he is urging Philip on, draws a discreet veil of silence over the non-Greek Illyrians, Macedonians and Thracians the majority of whom were under Philip's sovereignty. For in this speech he tells Philip that whatever feats he has achieved against the barbarians in Europe (his neigh¬bours the Illyrians, Thracians, etc.), these have only been granted him by the gods so as to give him military experience and power needful to carry out what Isocrates advises him to undertake, i.e. the leadership of all the Greeks in the campaign against the Asiatics.
In concluding his speech Isocrates clearly distinguished the "Hellenes" (Greek peoples south of Olympus), the "Macedonians" (Greeks north of Olympus ruled by Philip) and the "barbarians" (in the common Greek sense, all non-Greek peoples). On the one hand Philip must confer benefits on the Greeks, and be king of the Macedonians; on the other, rule over as many barbarians as possible. If Philip does what Isocrates advises, all would be grateful to him: the Hellenes for his good deeds to them; the Macedonians for his kingly care over them (but not tyrannical, for that would be unsuitable for Greeks); and the other races — the non-Greek barbarians — because freed from their barbarous despotisms thanks to him they will gain by Greek treatment. It would seem that this passage alone suffices to give the true meaning to "not of the same race," doing away with the interpret¬ation accepted until now, according to which Isocrates does not regard the Macedonians as forming part, even in a wide sense, of the Greek race.
But even if the incontrovertible credentials of the true meaning of Isocrates' speech were lacking, it would be utterly unreasonable to imagine that this all-Hellenic Athenian orator looked on the Macedonians as "not of the same race." Isocrates, as we have said, was searching far and wide on the Greek horizon for a worthy and strong Hellene as leader in the all-Greek campaign. He had previously turned to others whom for a moment he thought fit for the mission; finally he chose Philip exactly because of the military achievements to which his power was due. But precisely these achievements were those of the Macedonians who would form the strongest part of the expeditionary force against the Persians, as it later actually occurred under Alexander. Furthermore if Philip were to conquer new barbarian territories, he would govern them too through the most prominent Macedonians, as had happened in Europe. Consequently, if Isocrates believed the opinion possibly held among his contemporaries that the Macedonians were as a race barbarians, even though he knew the Greek descent of their ruling dynasty, how could he propose an all-Greek campaign against the barbarians? In the name of what Hellenic ideals would barbarian fight barbarian in Asia? How would Philip apply the age-old Hellenic dictum: "It is proper for Greeks to rule over barbarians" and what "Greek care" would be meted out to the conquered barbarian peoples, whose government Isocrates was confiding to the tender mercies of Philip and the Macedonians? The whole of Isocrates' pan-Hellenic proclamation would collapse merely through this in¬terpretation of his phrase about Macedonians not being "of the same race." Even if Isocrates was capable of such an obvious inconsistency and of doing anything so idiotic, it would not have passed unnoticed and he would have been laughed at. Demosthenes and the other savage enemies of Philip and of all collaboration with Macedonia were lying in wait and would never have let slip a chance like this, given them by the most blameless supporter of Macedonian leadership and so honoured among the Athenian populace. But Isocrates never thought of such a thing nor is this interpretation of his words ever mentioned in antiquity, which was certainly more aware of its true meaning than our contemporaries are. Without a doubt in announcing the all-Hellenic campaign against the barbarians of Asia as a national necessity and as the fulfilment of the age-old ideals of the Hellenic nation and in proposing that this cause should be led by Philip the king of Macedonia, Isocrates believed more than any other Greek of his time in the Hellenism of the Macedonians.
-Isocr., Phil. 108.
-Apart from the older editions, we find this rendering (that according to Isocrates Philip ruled a people not of the same race as himself—the overall Greek race) in the most recent translations, as in the English version by G. Norlin (Loeb) London-New York, 1928 and the Fiench one (Bude).
-I.e. from the Temenid-Heracleids, agreeing with an old and long since officially accepted Greek tradition first mentioned by Herodotus (V, 22).
-The sense of "not of the same race" implying "not belonging to the
same Greek tribe" is most clearly used by Thuc. (I, 141) when Pericles speaking
of the Peloponnesians says : «ΙΙάνχες χε ΐαοψήφιοι δνχες και οΰχ ομόφυλοι τό έφ' εαυ-
τόν εκαοχος σπευδη». Also in Eur. (Her. Fur. v. 1200) in this sense, and Steph. Byz.
According to Dicaearchus «Φυλή δέ και φυλέχαι πρόχερον ώνομάαθησαν εκ της εις χάς πόλεις και χά καλούμενα εθνη συνόδου γενομένης• Ικασχον γαρ των συνελθόνχων φϋλον ελέγετο είναι» and Eust. (93, 3). Liddell & Scott (φυλή)
rightly state that among the ancient Greeks both words were used in the same sense, rarely in the general one of a "human race"... but as a rule in the partial one (i.e. "of the political distinctions or those drawn from historical traditions or different linguistic idioms such as the case in point). In order to distinguish
the Hellenes from the barbarians (all the other peoples), Herodotus speaks of "same blood" and "same language."
(VIII, 144). But never of "same race."
-Isocr. Phil. 106-108.
-See chapters on the Macedonians' language in Part II.
-Isocr. Phil. 15-16.
-Isocrates does not fail to remind Philip that he has spent a long life in
search of a worthy leader for the pan-Hellenic fight against the barbarians before
turning to him (Isocr. Phil. 130).
-At another point in the speech he rejects any participation of barbarians
in the war under the leadership of Macedonia's king (Phil. 115). It would be childish to imagine an Isocrates excluding the participation of barbarians (obviously the neighbours of Macedonia now already under Philip's rule) in the Persian campaign, and believing that the Macedonians were not Greek, but proposing Philip's leading the Greeks from below Olympus (now for the most part unfit for war against the Persians) and leaving out the Macedonians, a fighting force with which Philip had already accomplished the marvels which Isocrates praises
-Isocr. Phil. 19-23.
-Isocr. Phil. 30.
-Isocr. Phil. 32-33.
-Isocr. Phil. 127.
-Isocr. Phil. 15, 80 & 142.
-Isocr. Phil. 151-152.
- Isocr. Phil. 154. As Abel long ago pointed out (makedonien’ Leipzig, 1847), the Macedonians down to that time could not have been called Hellenes; Homer limits the name to a small area round Phthia. The events of the 4th century had to occur first before the political life of the Greeks south of Olympus was to be identified with that of their king in Macedonia and the name Hellenes spread to the north. But in the days of Isocrates and Demosthenes political matter intensified political distinctions. In the above passage of Isocr. about Hellenes, Macedonians and barbarians, the purely political distinction between the democratic citizens of Greece and the Macedonians under their monarchy as regards Philip's behaviour towards them is clear and unquestionable. Finally we must not forget that Isocr. himself (Paneg. 50) clearly announces : "the name Hellenes suggests no longer a race but an intelligence." Thus he does not extend the name Hellene to educated barbarians as some have wrongly thought, but on the contrary limits the term to educated persons of the Hellenic race.
Wednesday, September 02, 2009
August 20, 2009
Balkan Illusion - phantasia archaica:
"...it is very interesting to note that many of the authentic ancient Macedonian words, according to their etymology and pronunciation, have a striking resemblance to the appropriate words used in the modern Macedonian language (and other so called "Slav" languages)[sic]."..."Glaukia(s). Could this name be derived from the noun "glava" (a head)? In 19th century Macedonia one finds the male name Glavko.". From: "Similarities between ancient Macedonian and today's' Macedonian Culture (Linguistics and Onomastics)" by Aleksandar Donski, celebrity propagandist and folk "historian" from Skopje, FYROM.
There was a lot of commotion in the conservative circles of Rome, in 1901, when the Guerrieri-designed lions of the Aqua Pia fountain, in Piazza della Republica were all of a sudden replaced by four nude bronze nymphs. Commotion or not, the nymphs stayed, and to add insult to conservatism's injury, the people forgot the old Pious Water name and started calling it the Fontana delle Naiadi / the Neiads Fountain. To make things even worse, some artistically challenged Romani saw the Dolphin the Octapus and the fish in the water fountain, and the whole mix somehow reminded them of their favorite sea food dinner, hence the name "Fritto Misto / Fried (seafood) Mix", stuck for the fountain, to the dismay, I am sure of Mario Rutelli, the Sicilian sculptor who created it. Dismayed or not, Rutelli was subsequently commissioned to create yet another sculpture, for the middle of the fountain, which he called the Glaucos Group / Gruppo Glauco, which was installed ten years later, in 1911-1912.
Glaukos/Glaucos/Γλαύκος, the human-like sea deity, the sea demon who is portrayed in the middle of the Fontana delle Naiadi was a poor Boeotian fisherman of ancient times, who become immortal by eating a life-giving sea weed. He grew fins and a fish tail and became an immortal creature of the sea. He was accepted by Poseidon, Nereus and Amphitrite as their companion and became a benevolent sea demon that always run to help seamen in distress in the seas. He was occasionally metamorphosed into a female, the white faced Glauce / Γλαύκη, a mermaid.
There are many personages with the name Glauke/Glauce/Γλαύκη in Greek Mythology. One was an Amazon, also named Hipollyta, who became wife of Theseus. Another Glauce was the daughter of Kyknos (the "bright white" one) who had a child by Ajax. A woman named Glauce was one of the daughters of Danaos and Phoebe (the "illuminating" one). Another Glauce was daughter of Uranus, a nymph born of his dripping blood. A more tragic Glauke was the the daughter of Creon, the king of Corinth. Jason fell in love with her, and Media his wife, gave her a chiton as a gift, which burned her alive once she wore it on her. The fountain of Glauke, named after the tragic princess, can still be seen in the ancient ruins of the city of Corinth.
Glaucias was the name of the physician who attended Hephestion/Ἠφαιστίων on his final days, and whom Alexander had crucified for failing to save his friend's life. And Glaucias was also the name of a Macedonian cavalry companion in the battle of Gaugamela/Γαυγάμηλα.
But as we will quickly saw, Glaukos/Γλαύκος was a fairly common Greek name that is encountered throughout the Greek world.
We will start with an inscription from Thessalonike, in Macedonia:
Regions : Northern Greece (IG X) : Macedonia, IG X,2 1 676
Makedonia (Mygdonia) — Thessalonike — 4th/3rd c. BC
daughter of Glaukios
This inscription is also from Macedonia, the kingdom (later province) of Lyncestis:
Regions : Northern Greece (IG X) : Macedonia
IG X,2 2 41
Makedonia (Lynkestis) — Crnobuki — 2nd/3rd c. AD — Spomenik 71 (1931) 24, 47
chos son of Glau-
35 years, a hero
South of Macedonia, in central Greece, we read about:
Regions : Central Greece (IG VII-IX) : Megaris, Oropia, and Boiotia (IG VII)
Epigr. tou Oropou 526
Boiotia — Oropos: Amphiareion — ca. 80-50 BC — IG VII 419 — AE (1925/26) 36, 150
Γλαυκίας Σωσάνδρου Θηβαῖος
Glaukias son of Sosandros, a Theban
In Southern Greece, in the Peloponnese, we read:
Regions : Peloponnesos (IG IV-[VI]) : Saronic Gulf, Corinthia, and the Argolid (IG IV) IG IV 728
Hermionis — Hermione — ca. 405 BC
Glaucias son of Callon.
We cross the Ionian Sea and we go to the early 5th c BC Sicily where a South Italian Greek Glaucias is found in the city of Selinous/Σελινούς:
Regions : Sicily, Italy, and the West (IG XIV) : Sicily, Sardinia, and neighboring Islands
IGASMG I² 62
Sikelia — Selinous: Buffa — early 5th c. BC — SEG 26.1114 — IGDS 30
We sail south, crossing the Mediterranean, and in Hellenistic Egypt of King Ptolemaios and Queen Cleopatra , in the 1st c BC we find two persons named Glaukias, on a royal list of Greek names, one used as a proper name the other as a patronym:
Regions : Egypt, Nubia and Cyrenaïca : Egypt and Nubia
Milne, Cairo Mus. 25,9296
Eg. — Hermoupolis M. (El Ashmūnein) — 80-69 bc
Glaucias son of Apollonios
Eisidoros son of Glaucias
Sailing northeast of Egypt, we arrive to the homeland of Hippocrates, the island of Cos/Κώς:
Regions : Aegean Islands, incl. Crete (IG XI-[XIII]) : Cos and Calymna
Iscr. di Cos EV 166
Kos — Kos — 3rd c. BC
Γλαυ]κίας Τ[— —]
Glaukias Τ[— —]
(dedicates) to Asclepios
Across from Cos and the Aegean, on the Asian Minor mainland, now in Turkey, we arrive to Ionia/'Ιονία and the city of Ephesos/ Έφεσος
Regions : Asia Minor : Ionia
Ephesos 882 Dedication to a god [Sarapis?], mentioning priest Glaukias
Menekratous; c. 244/204 BC; found at Ephesos: Keil, AAWW 91,
1954, 222, no. 3 (PH); SEG 15, 707; Vidman, Syll. 297; *IEph
Glaukias son of Menekrates.
We also find the name Glaucias as the name of a king of the Illyrians, who resisted Alexander the Great on his expedition through the Balkans: Γλαυκίας ὁ τῶν Ταυλαντίων βασιλεύς / Glaucias the king of the Taulantians, tells us Arianus/Ἀῤῥιανός in /Alexander's Anabasis/Ἀλεξάνδρου Ἀνάβασις, Book I. The use of the name by Illyrian chieftains, is either a sign that some had adopted Greek names, which is possible but not too probably at this early age, or, more plausible, it was a cognate of the Greek name. Other Illyrian names sound like Greek (Plator, Pleuratos etc) or Roman, but they can be explained by their common descent from a common Indo-European linguistic source, not necessary as loans.
We even encounter it much later on as the last name of a family in Rome. We hear for example of Gaius Servilius Glaucia a Roman politician, who cooperated with Gaius Marius at the turn of the 2nd to the 1st c BC. In this instance it is more possible that it was a loan from the Greek, as many other Roman names of the time.
Professor Donski offers an imaginary pseudo-linguistic explanation on a supposed derivation of the name Glaukias from the Slavic word for head: glava/гла́ва. Nothing could be farther from the truth.
The reconstructed original Indo-European word for head is *ghebhol. This word has cognates in several languages, including Old Norse "gafl" from which through French the English gable (meaning "head of the wall" - the triangular section at the very top of the house wall) is derived. In Tocharian A we encounter 'spal meaning "head", and gable for head or scull in Germanic. The word cupola, which describes the round "head" on top of a church or other public building, like the US capitol, is also related.
In Greek, *ghebhol gives us kephale/κεφαλή meaning head, a word unchanged since ancient times. In the Macedonian dialect the ancient Macedonians used to pronounce kephale/κεφαλή as kebale/κεβαλή or keble/κέβλη, with an aberrant «β/b» replacing «φ/ph», a typical feature of the Macedonian dialect and not only. In Attic Greek we hear in Aristophanes' "Birds" the term keblepyris/κεβλήπυρις, and Euphorion names Athena kebleghonos/κεβλήγονος meaning "born from the head" (of Zeus).
Another interesting derivative of *ghebhol for head in Greek is the word kauleion/καυλείον or kaulion/καυλίον which indicated the "head" at the end of a stem. Examples were kaulokinara/καυλοκινάρα for artichoke "head" with stem, and kaulomycetes/καυλομύκητες for mushrooms. When the defenders of a city were able to chop off the hed of the Ramming machine, they called the action apokaulosis/ἀποκαύλωσις. Kauli/καυλί has retained its "head on a stem" ancient meaning but it is now used to describe the glens penis. Kaulono/καυλώνω is a commonly used modern Greek verb that describes the condition of sexual excitement that causes the rising of the masculine lower "head".
The Indo-European *ghebhol also gives us the cognates in the Baltic and Slavic languages. Lithuanian galvà, Old Prussian galwo, Latvian galva and Proto-Slavic *galwā from which the ́common Slavic *golvà is derived that eventually developed into Old Church Slavonic glava, Russian golová, Polish głowa, Serbocroatian and Bulgarian glava, etc. (http://www.reference.com/browse/wiki/Proto-Balto-Slavic). The use of the name by an Illyrian chiftain,
In other words, in Greek we find: kephale/κεφαλή and in its Macedonian dialect we encounter kebale/κεβαλή or keble/κέβλη. Additionally we also find: kauleion/καυλείον or kaulion/καυλίον.
These are all distant cognates with the Slavic *galwā, *golvà, glava, golová, głowa, and again glava, but the Attic Greek and the Macedonian Greek could not possibly be derived from the Slavic, because of their antiquity, nor is it the other way around at any rate. They are simply related, all being derived from the same ancient Indo-European root.
Unfortunately for professor Donski's case, Glaukias/Γλαυκίας has absolutely no connection with either kephale nor glava, or any kind of head, whatsoever.
The name Glaukias (which in also Latin transliteration can also be written as Glaucias) but in Greek always as Γλαυκίας is derived from the word glaukos/glaucus/glaucos/γλαυκός. Our Latin Dictionary under the lemma Glaucus offers the following explanations: As an adjective, γλαυκός, meaning bright, sparkling, gleaming, grayish, etc. As a noun γλαύκος a bluish-grayish fish, and as a proper name: Γλαύκος, a Greek proper name, and it gives some examples, a son of Sisyphus, a commander of the Lydians in Homer;s Iliad, and the fisherman turned Sea god, in the beginning of our narrative.
In other words, this is not a Latin word, at all, but a Greek loan word into Latin, since all the explanations are referring us back to the original Greek, therefore it is better if we listen to the Latins and open our Greek dictionary, the 2000 plus pages long Liddell and Scott Lexicon.
Γλαυκός, ή, -όν/ glaukos, -e, -on: originally without any notion of colour, gleaming, and it gives examples of the gleaming sea, glauke thalassa, gleaming moon, glaukoio selene, stars, a dragon with gleaming eyes, glaukopis, etc.
Then later it acquires color, bluish green or olive green, as in the color of grapes, or vine leaves, the color of topaz, and frequently of the eyes, especially light blue eyes, or gray.
Pages 350 and 351 of the Liddell and Scott Greek Lexicon are full of entries like glaukia, glaux, glaukinos, glaukeious, glaukodes etc etc, numerous words all related to either glaring, like eyes of a lion or blueish gray like the eyes of goddess Athena/Ἀθήνα, Γλαυκώπις/Glaucopis. Athena's sacred animal is the Owl, Γλαύξ/Glaux, Athena noctua, the fiercely glaring eyed one, who got her name from the nocturnal appearance of her golden glaring eyes. Athena's Γλαύξ/Glaux the little owl is the symbol of wisdom, knowledge and education.
The name Glaucias/Glaukias/Γλαυκίας and the female equivalent Glaucia/Glaukia/Γλαυκία both mean the glaring, the sparkling one. Glauko/Γλαυκὠ is another name for Selene, the moon, for she is glaring in the night sky, and Glaucoma / γλαύκωμα is the opacity of the eye's lens, the cataract, that leads to blindness, as Aristotle explained to us 2350 years ago, in GA780, and that blindness is called Glaucosis/Γλαύκωσις. Glauson/γλαυσόν is a synonym of lampron/λαμπρόν, and it means sparkling, shining, while the verb glausso/γλαύσσω, means to shine something to make it glitter.
The Germanic-English words "glare" and "glaring", are not simply the translation of Glaucos, and Glaucias, but they also their cognates. All are derived from the Proto-Indo-European reconstructed word *gwelhx meaning Glow.
A related Indo-European root word *g(e)ulo- originally meant Glowing coal. This word survived in the Old Irish word gual which meant coal and in the Germanic-English word for coal. Coal, as we know, is black, but when in fire it is a glaring golden. And here is where linguistics achieves what generations of medieval Alchemists were unable to do: make gold out of coal: Another cognate of *gwelhx for glow and *g(e)ulo- for glowing coal is *ghel- which means Shine or as color: yellow. This gave us Latin Helvus(honey yellow), Lithuanian geltas for yellow, and zelvas for golden. We find it in Avestani Persian as zairi, meaning yellow, in Sanskrit Hari, in English Yellow, on Italian Giallo, and of course in the yellow metal that looks like glaring yellow charcoal: the English word for Gold. The Old Slavic word zlato, and the Baltic Latvian zelts, along with coal, gold, yellow and Giallo, and the Slavic OCS zeleni, and Greek khloros which both mean yellow green are all distantly related to the glaring, glamorous and gleaming name of Glaukias/Γλαυκίας.
Speaking of glamour, I accidentally came across the first edition of Glaucia, a Brazilian women's magazine (http://revistaglaucia.blogspot.com/2008/05/glaucia-primeira-edio.html), which on its cover page was glaringly advertising to their female readers the secret to nothing less than "Mil Orgasmos!", "mil" being Portuguese for "a thousand". Glaucia, incidentally is a fairly common name in Brazil, as is Glafkos/Glaukos/Γλαύκος in Cyprus. The most famous one being Glafkos Clerides / Γλαύκος Κληρίδης (born 1919) a politician and former president of the Republic of Cyprus.
Trying to uncover these linguistic connections is to me, to say the least, fascinating. It is like trying to discover the DNA connections that bring us closer to our long lost Indo-European linguistic progenitors and our distant modern linguistic cousins, around the globe. But try to get this through the thick glava of some pseudo-makedonists whose deleterious ultra-nationalism knows only how to divide and not how to connect, how to falsify truth and not how to learn from it. They are driven by the fanatical devotion, typical of recent converts, which sees no limits to the means used to reach their end. They seek to create a make-believe national identity and fake ethno-mythology , invented and usurped from the history and culture of their neighbors.
While they undoubtedly think that what they do is in support of and in the best interests of their ethnic group and its shaken and uncertain nationalism, they in fact do a terrible disservice to the youth of their young nation, a disservice that is criminally destructive.
Knowledge is based on truth and in the clear understanding of reality, not in delirious pronouncements that have no connection to the facts. Once you chase the Glaux/Γλαύξ of Athena, away from your youth's intellectual development, it will take a very long time for her to return, if she ever does.
By teaching to your own that Glaucias is not a Greek name, is not the major damage done. The creation of the false identity and the imbecile, anti-scientific methodology used in arriving at and supporting that fake identity is what will eventually bring the toppling of the antiquarian, "Bucephalist" some said sarcastically, non-Slavic "attachments" to their true, legitimate identity and the rejection of pseudo-makedonism's BIG LIE. By then though, a lot of time will have been lost, time that could have been best used in the search for the true identity of the Slavomacedonian people, away from self pitying, self flagellation and venomous hatred of the neighborly "other".
Hegel, two hundred years ago, pessimistically said that true knowledge takes time to be acquired, and, like the Glaux/Γλαύξ, the glaring eyed bird, symbol of the Glaucopis/Γλαυκώπις the blue-green eyed, Goddess Athena, the goddess of wisdom, it unfortunately arrives too late to be of any real use, when you really need it:
" One more word about giving instruction as to what the world ought to be. Philosophy in any case always comes on the scene too late to give it...The owl of Minerva spreads its wings only with the falling of the dusk. "
Hegel, Preface, Philosophy of Right (1820).
Supporting information and documentation can be found in:
Greek-English Lexicon by Liddell & Scott, Oxford University Press, 1843-1952
The Oxford Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-Indo-European World., by J.P. Mallory and D.Q. Adams, Oxford University Press, 2006 &, 2007
A Latin Dictionary, Lewis & Short, Oxford University Press, 1879-1993
"Evidence of «Mακεδονιστί» words in the other Greek dialects and some conclusions on the unity of the Northern Greek Group and the inclusion of the Macedonians in it", by Andreas Kyropoulos.
Επίτομο λεξικό Ελληνικής Μυθολογίας, Coincise Lexicon of Hellenic Mythology,ἐκδοτικός οίκος Χάρη Πάτση, Athens, 1969
Hellenic Epigraphic Documentation in: http://epigraphy.packhum.org/inscriptions//main?url=gis%3Fregion%3D4%26subregion%3D11, in : Searchable Greek Inscriptions - A Scholarly Tool in Progress at the The Packard Humanities Institute of Cornell University and the Ohio State University.